Pandemics Explained By Terrain Theory: Part 2

Written by Lordchewy on August 21, 2021. Posted in Current News

This is PART TWO of a two-part essay presenting evidence from known pandemics throughout history that can be better explained by the terrain theory of disease rather than Pasteur’s Germ Theory. PART ONE here.

As early as 1799, researchers became puzzled over the cause of influenza, which appeared suddenly, often in diverse places at the same time. The world was not as globalized as it is today and so the contagion theory would not hold much water in this case.

Influenza Epidemics

In 1836, influenza specialist Heinrich Schweich noted that all physiological processed produce electricity and theorized that an electrical disturbance of the atmosphere may prevent the body from discharging it. He believed that the over accumulation of electricity can be a cause for influenza symptoms.¹².

With the discovery of the sun’s electrical nature, scientists have made some very interesting observations. The period 1645–1715 is one that astronomers call the “Maunder Minimum” and the sun was very quite during this time and no sunspot activity was observed.

In 1715, sunspots reappeared again as did the northern lights and activity reached its peak in 1727. In 1728, influenza appeared in waves on every continent. Sunspot activities become more violent until they peaked in 1738, when physicians reported flu in both man and animals.¹³

British epidemiologist Edgar Stanhope-Smith believed that the rate of transmissibility was determined by Vitamin D deficiency and seasonal variabilities. However, as we have seen in the germ theory article, no study to date has been able to demonstrate transmissibility from one individual to another.

Researcher and activist Arthurs Firstenberg, in his book The Invisible Rainbow, chronicles the history of electricity in the United States and throughout the world, and the outbreaks of illnesses that accompanied each step towards greater electrification.

The first stage involved the installation of the telephone line and by 1975, these formed a spider web over the earth totaling 700 000 miles, with enough copper wire to encircle the global almost 30 times. With these new technological advancements, came new diseases.

Citizens living in vicinity of these newly installed electrical wires reported symptoms such as headaches, dizziness, tinnitus, floaters in the eyes, racing pulse, pains in the heart region and palpitations. Some also reported feeling severely depressed and having unusual panic attacks.

Dr. George Miller Beard and the medical community at the time also observed that these symptoms spread along the routes of railroad and telephone lines; these symptoms also closely resembled the flu.¹³(Miller Beard – cases of hysteria, neurosthenia).

In 1889, we mark the beginning of the modern electrical era and also of a deadly flu pandemic, which followed the advent of electricity through the globe. According to Firstenberg:

“Influenza struck explosively and unpredictably, over and over in waves until early 1894. It was as if something fundamental had changed in the atmosphere”¹³

If influenza is primarily an electrical disease as is suggested by the first waves of flu pandemics, then the flu is not contagious in the conventional sense.

The patterns of its epidemics should provide this, and they do. For example, the deadly 1889 pandemic began in a number of widely scattered parts of the world. Severe outbreaks were reported that year in Uzbekistan, Greenland, Bukhara and northern Alberta, Canada.

That same time period, flu outbreaks were also reported in parts of the US, the Balkans and Australia¹⁴(JAMA 1890a, The influenza pandemic of 1889, 14(1), 24–25).

This pattern of disease being at odds with prevailing theories, many historians have pretended that the 1889 pandemic until it arrived in western Siberia in September and from there it spread in an orderly fashion in the rest of the world. It spread to the rest of Russia but also parts of Africa at the same time¹⁵ (www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov) ¹⁶(Clemow, Frank Girard: The Geography of Disease, Cambridge U. Press,p.198). According to Bowie et al, this influenza pandemic also hit the continent, which was the first of its kind.

According to Benjamin Lee of the Pennsylvania State Board of Health:

“Influenza spreads like a flood, inundating whole sections in an hour…It is scarcely conceivable that a disease which spreads at such astonishing rapidity, goes through the process of re-development in each person infected, and is only communicated from person to person or by infected article”¹⁷ (https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/article-abstract/465672)

Influenza works its caprice not only on land, but in the seas as well. With today’s interconnected world and the speed of travel, this is no longer obvious, but it was very clear in the previous century when sailors were attacked with powerful influenza for weeks, even months, out of their port of call.

In 1894, physician Charles Creighton described 15 separated separate historical instances where entire ships in a naval fleet were seized with the illness from landfall as if they had sailed into an influenzal fog, only to discover, in some cases, upon arriving at their next port, that influenza had broken out on land at the same time.

Background information: Terrain Theory Versus Pasteur’s Germ Theory

Creighton added one report from the contemporary pandemic: the merchant ship “Wellington” had sailed with its small crew from London on December 19, 1891, bound for Lyttelton, New Zealand. On the 26th of March, after over three months at sea, the captain was suddenly shaken by intense febrile illness. Upon arriving at Lyttelton on April 2:

“the pilot, coming on board found the captain ill in his berth, and on being told the symptoms at once said, ‘It is the influenza: I have just had it myself”¹⁸(Charles Creighton — A history of Epidemics in Britain 1894, p.430)

An 1857 report was so compelling that Australian pathologist William Beveridge included it in his 1975 textbook on influenza:

“The English warship Arachne was cruising off the coast of Cuba ‘without any contact with land.’ No less than 114 men out of a crew of 149 fell ill with influenza and only later was it learnt that there had been outbreaks in Cuba at the same time.”¹⁹ (Influenza: The last great plague. An unfinished story of discovery, William Beveridge, p.35

The speed at which influenza travels, and its random and simultaneous pattern of spread, has perplexed scientists for centuries, and has been the most compelling reason for some to continue to suspect atmospheric electricity as the cause, despite the known presence of an extensively studied virus. Here is a sampling of opinion, old and modern:

“Perhaps no disease has ever been observed to affect so many people in so short a time, as the Influenza, almost a whole city, town, or neighborhood becoming affected in a few days, indeed much sooner than could be supposed to spread from contagion. Mercatus relates, that when it prevailed in Spain, in 1557, the greatest part of the people were seized in one day. Dr. Glass says, when it was rife in Exeter, in 1729, two thousand were attacked in one night.”

Shadrach Ricketson, M.D. (1808), A Brief History of the Influenza²⁰ (Shadrach Ricketson, A brief history of the influenza 1808, p. 4

“The simple fact is to be recollected that this epidemic affects a whole region in the space of a week; nay, a whole continent as large as North America, together with all the West Indies, in the course of a few weeks, where the inhabitants over such vast extent of country, could not, within so short a lapse of a time, have had the least communication or intercourse whatever. This fact alone is sufficient to put all idea of its being propagated by contagion from one individual to another out of the question.”

Alexander Jones, M.D. (1827), Philadelphia Journal of the Medical and Physical Sciences²¹(Richard Sisley, “Epidemic Influenza: Notes on Its Origin and Method of Spread”, Longmans Green and Co.,p.22)

“Unlike cholera, it outstrips in its course the speed of human intercourse.”

Theophilus Thompson, M.D. (1852), Annals of Influenza or Epidemic Catarrhal Fever in Great Britain from 1510 to 1837

“Contagion alone is inadequate to explain the sudden outbreak of the disease in widely distant countries at the same time, and the curious way in which it has been known to attack the crews of ships at sea, where communication with infected places or persons was out of the question.”

Sir Morell Mackenzie, M.D. (1893), Fortnightly Review²³(Mackenzie, Morell. “Fortnightly Review 55:877–86)

“Usually influenza travels at the same speed as man but at times it apparently breaks out simultaneously in widely separated parts of the globe.”

Jorgen Birkeland (1949), Microbiology and Man²⁴ (“H.E Bowen, “Microbiology and Man, Yale Journal of Biology and Medicine, p.445

“[Before 1918] there are records of two other major epidemics of influenza in North America during the past two centuries. The first of these occurred in 1789, the year in which George Washington was inaugurated President. The first steamboat did not cross the Atlantic until 1819, and the first steam train did not run until 1830. Thus, this outbreak occurred when man’s fastest conveyance was the galloping horse. Despite this fact, the influenza outbreak of 1789 spread with great rapidity; many times faster and many times farther than a horse could gallop.”

James Bordley III, M.D. and A. McGehee Harvey, M.D. (1976), Two Centuries of American Medicine, 1776–1976, p.214

“Flu virus may be communicated from person to person in droplets of moisture from the respiratory tract. However, direct communication cannot account for simultaneous outbreaks of influenza in widely separated places.”

Roderick E. McGrew (1985), Encyclopedia of Medical History, p.151

“Why have epidemic patterns in Great Britain not altered in four centuries, centuries that have seen great increases in the speed of human transport?”

Cannell, J.J., Zasloff, M., Garland, C.F. et al. On the epidemiology of influenza. Virol J 5, 29 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1186/1743-422X-5-29

The role of the virus, which infects only the respiratory tract, has baffled some virologists because influenza is not only, or even mainly, a respiratory disease. Why the headache, the eye pain, the muscle soreness, the prostration, the occasional visual impairment, the reports of encephalitis, myocarditis, and pericarditis?

Why the abortions, stillbirths, and birth defects?²⁵(Beveridge, p.15–16. There were also reports of neurological symptoms during the initial influenza pandemics of previous centuries. Most of Medical Officer Röhring’s 239 flu patients at Erlangen, Bavaria, had neurological and cardiovascular symptoms and no respiratory disease. Nearly one-quarter of the 41,500 cases of flu reported in Pennsylvania as of May 1, 1890 were classified as primarily neurological and not respiratory²⁵(Firstenberg, p.89).

Few of David Brakenridge’s patients in Edinburgh, or Julius Althaus’ patients in London, had respiratory symptoms. Instead they had dizziness, insomnia, indigestion, constipation, vomiting, diarrhea, “utter prostration of mental and bodily strength,” neuralgia, delirium, coma, and convulsions.

Upon recovery many were left with neurasthenia, or even paralysis or epilepsy. Anton Schmitz published an article titled “Insanity After Influenza” and concluded that influenza was primarily an epidemic nervous disease. C. H. Hughes called influenza a “toxic neurosis.” Morell Mackenzie agreed:

“In my opinion the answer to the riddle of influenza is poisoned nerves… In some cases it seizes on that part of (the nervous system) which governs the machinery of respiration, in others on that which presides over the digestive functions; in others again it seems, as it were, to run up and down the nervous keyboard, jarring the delicate mechanism and stirring up disorder and pain in different parts of the body with what almost seems malicious caprice… As the nourishment of every tissue and organ in the body is under the direct control of the nervous system, it follows that anything which affects the latter has a prejudicial effect on the former; hence it is not surprising that influenza in many cases leaves its mark in damaged structure. Not only the lungs, but the kidneys, the heart, and other internal organs and the nervous matter itself may suffer in this way.”²⁶ (Mackenzie, p.299–30)

Insane asylums filled up with patients who had had influenza, people suffering variously from profound depression, mania, paranoia, or hallucinations. “The number of admissions reached unprecedented proportions,” reported Albert Leledy at the Beauregard Lunatic Asylum, at Bourges, in 1891.

“Admissions for the year exceed those of any previous year,” reported Thomas Clouston, superintending physician of the Royal Edinburgh Asylum for the Insane, in 1892. “No epidemic of any disease on record has had such mental effects,” he wrote²⁶ (Firstenberg, 88–89). William Beveridge, who lived through to the 1918 pandemic, also noted that half of all Spanish influenza victims did not have any visible influenza symptoms such as nasal discharge, sneezing, or sore throat²⁷ (Beveridge, p.11).

Another indication that such pandemics have an atmospheric source is the fact that during such pandemics through history, animals also experienced similar symptoms — from swine to birds. There are multiple examples of this. For instance, when the army of King Karlmann of Bavaria was seized by influenza in 876 A.D., the same disease also decimated the dogs and the birds.²⁸(Firstenberg 89).

In later epidemics, up to and including the twentieth century, illness was commonly reported to break out among dogs, cats, horses, mules, sheep, cows, birds, deer, rabbits, and even fish at the same time as humans²⁸ (Journal of the Statistical Society of London, 1848, p.173).

Beveridge listed twelve epidemics during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in which horses caught the flu, usually one or two months before the humans. In fact, this association was considered so reliable that in early December 1889, Symes Thompson, observing flu-like illness in British horses, wrote to the British Medical Journal predicting an imminent outbreak in humans, a forecast which shortly proved true.²⁹ (Beveridge, p.56). Similar deaths in other animals also occurred during the Spanish flu pandemic.³⁰(The Lancet, “Medical Influenza Victims in South Africa”, Volume 193, Issue 4976, 11 January 1919, Pages 75–78).

The fact that increased incidences of death is also observed in animals during pandemics is a major blow to the contagion theory. The deaths of other species strongly suggests that pandemics are largely a result of atmospheric and/or technological shocks to the ecosystem. Seventeen years of surveillance by Hope-Simpson in and around the community of Cirencester, England, revealed that despite popular belief, influenza is not readily communicated from one person to another within a household.

Seventy percent of the time, even during the “Hong Kong flu” pandemic of 1968, only one person in a household would get the flu. If a second person had the flu, both often caught it on the same day, which meant that they did not catch it from each other.

Sometimes different minor variants of the virus were circulating in the same village, even in the same household, and on one occasion two young brothers who shared a bed had different variants of the virus, proving that they could not have caught it from each other, or even from the same third person.³¹ (HOPE-SIMPSON, R. E. (1979). Epidemic mechanisms of type A influenza. Journal of Hygiene v. 83, p. 18).

The embarrassing secret among virologists is that from 1933 until the present day, there have been no experimental studies proving that influenza — either the virus or the disease — is ever transmitted from person to person by normal contact. As we will see in a future instalment, all efforts to transmit the disease from one person to another — even during a pandemic — have been unsuccessful.

Further evidence of environmental factors behind influenza pandemics

As we have gone over previously, the second industrial revolution took place the late 19th century with the invention of the railroad rails, telephone lines among manty other electronic technological inventions. In early 1888, just thirteen electric railways had operated in the United States on a total of 48 miles of track, and a similar number in all of Europe.

So spectacular was the growth of this industry that by the end of 1889, roughly a thousand miles of track had been electrified in the United States alone. In another year that number again tripled.³²(Firstenberg, 83). Eighteen eighty-nine is the year manmade electrical disturbances of the earth’s atmosphere took on a global, rather than local, character. In that year the Edison General Electric Company was incorporated, and the Westinghouse Electric Company was reorganized as the Westinghouse Electric and Manufacturing Company.

In that year Westinghouse acquired Tesla’s alternating current patents and put them to use in its generating stations, which grew to 150 in number in 1889, and to 301 in 1890. In the United Kingdom, amendment of the Electric Lighting Act in 1888 eased regulations on the electric power industry and made central power station development commercially feasible for the first time. And in 1889, the Society of Telegraph Engineers and Electricians changed its name to the now more appropriate Institution of Electrical Engineers.

In 1889, sixty-one producers in ten countries were manufacturing incandescent lamps, and American and European companies were installing plants in Central and South America. In that year Scientific American reported that “so far as we know, every city in the United States is provided with arc and incandescent illumination, and the introduction of electric lighting is rapidly extending to the smaller towns.”³³(Firstenberg, 84).

In 1889, it was as if the gates of hell had opened. Doctors in the US, Europe, Asia, Africa, and Australia were overwhelmed by a flood of critically ill patients suffering from a strange disease that seemed to have come like a thunderbolt from nowhere, a disease that many of these doctors had never seen before. That disease was influenza, and that pandemic lasted four continuous years and killed at least one million people.

As of the late 19th century, it was noticed that influenza symptoms were a yearly phenomenon that occurred in specific times of the year. It would vanish mysteriously as before, but it could be counted on to return, at more or less the same time, the following year. And it has never been absent since.

Like “anxiety disorder,” influenza is so common and so seemingly familiar that a thorough review of its history is necessary to unmask this stranger and convey the enormity of the public health disaster that occurred one hundred and thirty years ago. It’s not that we don’t know enough about the influenza virus.

We know more than enough. The microscopic virus associated with this disease has been so exhaustively studied that scientists know more about its tiny life cycle than about any other single microorganism. But this has been a reason to ignore many unusual facts about this disease, including the fact that it is not contagious.

As discussed in my previous articles, the influenza virus is also member of the coronavirus family of viruses and as such, has never been isolated and demonstrated to cause illness.

In 2001, Canadian astronomer Ken Tapping, together with two British Columbia physicians, were the latest scientists to confirm, yet again, that for at least the last three centuries influenza pandemics have been most likely to occur during peaks of solar magnetic activity — that is, at the height of each eleven-year sun cycle. According to an article published by Zaporozhan et al., in the International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health:

“ A long range of studies do establish a connection from sunspots via the Earth’s geomagnetic fields (which co-varies in strength with the sunspots), via the cryptochrome protein…All together, accumulated data support the idea about cycles of solar activity as the pacemaker of numerous biological phenomena including epidemics of some infectious diseases and dynamic changes in immunological parameters of living beings.”

Danish physician Johannes Mygee published a monograph in which he showed that influenza pandemics tended to occur during years of maximum solar activity, and further that the yearly number of cases of flu in Denmark rose and fell with the number of sunspots³⁴(Mygee, Johannes Etude sur l’eclosion epidemique de l’influenza, Acta Medica Scandinavica, p.10). Another major environmental factor behind the seasonality of epidemics or pandemics is the lack of Vitamin D during the winter time. Edgar-Hope remarked that a “seasonal stimulus” was associated with solar radiation. According to Cannel et. al,

“Solar radiation triggers robust seasonal vitamin D production in the skin; vitamin D deficiency is common in the winter, and activated vitamin D, 1,25(OH)2D, a steroid hormone, has profound effects on human immunity. 1,25(OH)2D acts as an immune system modulator, preventing excessive expression of inflammatory cytokines and increasing the ‘oxidative burst’ potential of macrophages”

Juzaniene et .al from the International Journal of Infectious Diseases came to a very similar conclusion with regards to the seasonality of flu epidemics.

“Non-pandemic influenzas mostly occur in the winter season in temperate regions. UVB calculations show that at high latitudes very little, if any, vitamin D is produced in the skin during the winter. Even at 26°N (Okinawa) there is about four times more UVB during the summer than during the winter. In tropical regions there are two minor peaks in vitamin D photosynthesis, and practically no seasonality of influenza. Pandemics may start with a wave in an arbitrary season, while secondary waves often occur the following winter. Thus, it appears that a low vitamin D status may play a significant role in most influenzas.”

Conclusion

As we’ve seen in my germ theory article, many different types of viruses (including coronaviruses) and bacteria are already of our overall microbiome. It is therefore a logical conclusion that when a bacterium does appear, it is not because someone “caught” it — rather, it is because the cells in our body use the bacteria to clean our the toxicity that we have inhaled or ingested. We can observe this phenomenon in the pleomorphic nature of bacteria and how they change shape according to their environment. The presence of a microbe does not mean it is the cause of disease, rather, it is a symptom of disease.

The following quote from “Virus Mania” sums up perfectly how I view disease:

Engelbrecht, Torsten, Claus Kohnlein M.D and Samantha Bailey M.D. Virus Mania” How The Medical Industry Invents Epidemics, Making Billion-Dollar Profits At Our Expense”, Truffard Publishing. p.52

According to Swedish general practitioner Johan Loibner:

“Under close observation of disease progression, particularly in infective processes, damage to the organism occurs at the beginning of the disease — and only afterward the bacterial activity begins. Everyone can observe in themselves [my emphasis]. If we put dirt into a fresh wound, other bacteria appear as well. After the penetration of a foreign body, very specific germs appear which, after removal or release, go away on their own and do not continue to populate us. If we damage our respiratory mucous membrane through hyperthermia [like going outside without a jacket in -30 C], then those bacteria accordingly appear which, depending on the hyperthermia’s acuteness and length, and the affected individual’s condition, can break down the affected cells and lead to expulsion, catarrh.”³⁵ (Virus Mania, p. 53)

This explains why the mainstream medical establishment simply refuses to “understand” that so many of these microorganisms that are deemed dangerous and pathogenic can and do co-exist with our bodies (which include “highly dangerous and contagious ones” like streptococcus) without bringing any recognizabledamage.³⁶(Dubos, Rene. Mirage of Health: Utopias, Progress and Biological Change, Harper & Brothers 1959, p.90).

These bacterium can only become harmful when they have enough of the right kind of food which can be toxins, metabolic end products, improperly digested food and much more. Even surgeons make use of this principle when they use maggots to clean wounds that are particularly difficult to sanitize. The maggots eat only the dead or broken material and don’t touch healthy living flesh.

No surgeon can clean such wounds as thoroughly as maggots can and when their feast is over, they don’t go on to eat healthy tissue because it’s not suitable for them.

So in conclusion, the microbe is nothing and the terrain is everything.

References:

1. Arthur Firstenberg. The Invisible Rainbow: A History of Electricity and Life (Chelsea Green Publishing, 2020), p.84

2. Ibid, 84

I have included the sources next to each footnote afterwards so no need to list them here. I would also like to thank researcher Jim West for the information about measles and the graph he produced. I urge everyone to go read his blog, particularly his measles outbreak research at: harvoa-med.blogspot.com

Read the full essay at lordchewy.medium.com

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